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Professor Ian Angell Department of Management, LSE, London WC2A 2AE | +44 (0)20 7955 7655 | i.angell@lse.ac.uk |
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Winners and Losers in the
Information Age
The nation-state is about to become a casualty
(An article first published in the LSE
Magazine)
Just open any newspaper, or switch on the radio or television, and you'll
find journalists worldwide bemoaning a crisis of confidence in social,
political and economic institutions. There is a deep feeling that it is
all coming to an End. For they know we are on the verge of an Information
Revolution that is taking us out of the Machine Age, into .... who knows
what.
Many commentators are deeply pessimistic, they see only chaos ahead. In
Britain both press and politicians keep asking themselves (and us
interminably) "where is the `feel good' factor?" Even when the
"numbers" look good, with the economy growing, low inflation,
and unemployment falling .... the country is still miserable. A malaise
has contaminated the national consciousness. The British people aren't
stupid. They know that for the majority of our society, any society, they
know it has gone forever - they know there is nothing that anyone can do
about it. Everywhere the socio-economic certainties of the twentieth
century are collapsing. The world as we know it is changing; it may even
be moving in reverse.
"History is the natural selection of accidents" (Trotsky) and our
world today is full of accidents just waiting to happen. The very natures
of work, of institutions, of society, and even of capitalism itself, are
mutating. These mutations are confronting each other in the political
power vacuum left by the fall of communism, and the increasing impotence
of liberal democracy, as the utopia promised by science and technology has
turned into a nightmare for the "common man". Poverty,
unemployment, pollution, overpopulation, mass migration, global plagues,
etc., have left us with a world full of frightened people. For the masses
will not win in the natural selection for dominance of an increasingly
elitist world. Naturally the politicians don't like it. For the past two
centuries "the values of the weak prevail[ed] because the strong have
taken them over as devices of leadership" (Nietzsche). But no longer.
The politicians may promise, but now the markets decide.
Globalization and
localization
But why is it happening now? The answer is quite simple: a new order (which
many will call disorder) is being forced upon an unsuspecting world by
advances in telecommunications. The future is being born in the so-called information
superhighways. Very soon these electronic telecommunication networks,
covering the world via cable and satellite, will enable everyone in the
world to "talk" to everyone else. We are entering a new elite
cosmopolitan age. Global commerce will force through the construction of
multi-media highways, and anyone bypassed by these highways faces ruin.
Information technology, together with speedy international travel, is
changing the whole nature of political governance and its relationship to
commerce, and commerce itself.
One major consequence emerging out of the new freedoms bestowed by global
telecommunications is the globalization of organizations, and not
merely their internationalization. Individuals and companies are
setting up large transnational networks that pay absolutely no heed to
national boundaries and barriers. The commercial enterprise of the future
will be truly global, it will relocate (physically or electronically) to
where the profit is greatest and the regulation least. The umbilical cords
have been cut; the global company no longer feels the need to support the
national aspirations of the country of its birth. Recently this new
business paradigm was expressed most forcibly by Akio Morita, causing
uproar in Japan, when he announced that Sony was a global company and not
Japanese!
But paradoxically, globalization is resulting in a trend towards localization
or, as Morita calls it, "global localization". Global companies
are setting themselves up within virtual enterprises, at the hub of
loosely knit alliances of local companies, all linked together by global
networks, both electronic and human. These companies assemble to take
advantage of any temporary business opportunity; and then separate,
searching for the next major deal. Apart from local products, local
companies also deliver local expertise and access to home markets for
other products created within the wider alliance. Companies and countries
outside such networks have no future.
International trading now includes new forms of barter and exchange on these
networks, particularly in superior scientific and technological expertise
and knowledge. Money, which is merely a means of facilitating economic
transactions, has itself become electronic information, and what
constitutes money can no longer be monopolized by national governments.
This inevitably lowers the transaction costs of money, and makes taxation
of profits and regulation of the process almost impossible - a real
competitive advantage for any virtual enterprise with a moveable centre of
gravity; and for those individuals who are willing to trade their
expertise in this electronic market.
Knowledge workers versus
service workers
With the rise of teleworking/telecommuting/televillages Peter Drucker has a
very interesting forecast. He says that humanity is polarizing into two
employment categories: the intellectual, cultural and business elite (the
mobile and independent knowledge workers), and the rest (the
immobile and dependent service workers). In a similar vein, Robert
Reich believes in the Information Age there will be three categories: symbolic-analytic
services (the knowledge workers who are problem identifiers, solvers
and brokers), in-person services, and routine production
services. The latter two groups roughly correspond to Drucker's
service workers.
Routine production services can either be replaced by robots or exported
anywhere on the globe. Wages in this sector are already beginning to
converge worldwide to Third World levels. British Polythene Industries is
to close its factory at Telford with the loss of 150 jobs, and switch to
China. BPI's payroll bill will be cut by 90%. Even the Home Office at one
time were seriously considering subcontracting a large but straightforward
data-entry job to the Philippines. Such "social dumping" is
dragging down the wages of in-person service workers, a sector which is
itself being increasingly automated. It is estimated that 150,000 UK bank
jobs will eventually be lost because of automation. Millions of jobs will
be lost if teleshopping takes off. Inevitably the slow redistribution of
wealth that has occurred over the last centuries is being reversed,
rapidly. Societies are stratifying; new elites are appearing. The future
is inequality; at the very bottom of the heap, western societies are
already witnessing the emergence of a rapidly expanding underclass.
Now we can see that knowledge workers are the real generators of wealth. The
income of these owners of intellectual and financial wealth will increase
substantially, and they will be made welcome anywhere in the world. As
from October 1994, foreign "entrepreneurial investors" with one
million pounds at their disposal can bypass the usual entry rules into Britain.
But Britain has been slow off the mark, with the added embarrassment that
none of the migrant rich want to live here. In the United States, there is
a fast-track immigration policy for businessmen and women who can offer $1
million and guarantee to employ 10 people. Six hundred millionaires
emigrated to America in 1993. It is only a matter of time before
intellectual capital, such as scientific and technological expertise, will
be included on the balance sheet.
On the other side of the coin, there is a growing realization that each
service worker is a net loss both to the state and to the company - they
cost far more than they generate. Service workers will now be expected to
add far more value to the company, unlike in the past where service work
meant just turning up. Companies will be reducing the wages and staffing
levels of service workers, and it is no accident that most Western
companies are presently instigating major downsizing programmes.
This is all happening against a background of an exploding population in the
Third World (95% of the world's population increase is in developing
countries). To combat the inevitable mass migrations, state barriers will
be thrown up everywhere to keep out alien service workers; each state has
a surplus of its own to support. It is already happening. Canada is to
impose a c$1000 tax on people seeking landed immigration status, thus
sending out a message which is likely to reduce applications from poor
service workers but increase applications from richer knowledge workers.
In California, proposition 187 intends to bar the nearly two million
illegal immigrants from schools, welfare services, and all but emergency
health care. How long will it be before there are "differential
rights" for "differentiated citizens", identified in a data
base and policed by smart cards? How long before the notion of "Human
Rights" is as outdated as the "Divine Right of Kings"?
Loyalty, but to what?
At a time when their skills are in increasing demand by global companies,
knowledge workers feel more and more undervalued and betrayed by the
nation-state. It was inevitable that predatory global networks would drive
loyalty to the state into a steep decline among the swelling number of
would-be "economic mercenaries". Those who wrap themselves in
the flag can soon expect to be buried in it.
The situation is possibly even more complex, because of the increased
reliance of companies on the symbolic-analysts, the owners of intellectual
equity. We are witnessing an intensifying power struggle between the
symbolic-analysts and the owners of financial equity in those companies,
and this is likely to change fundamentally the very nature of capitalism
itself. This battle is likely to be at least as significant as that
between landowners and industrialists in the early part of the nineteenth
century, that was formative of today's capitalism.
We are rapidly approaching a situation where, in order to attract the elite
with their knowledge and money to enliven the economy, the elite group
will be expected to pay less tax and not more! The great majority of
governments are lowering top tax rates in line with declining global
levels. "Top income tax rates fell an average of 16.5% between 1975
and 1989". "The main producers and repositories of wealth - multinational companies
- have increasingly been able to adjust their
accounts and the prices of their internal international transactions so
that their profits are declared in low tax countries, while they continue
to operate in high tax ones." Very soon companies will be negotiating
preferential tax deals not only for themselves but also for chosen elite
employees. A major growth market will be servicing the global information
flows of the mobile rich: anywhere, anytime, anyhow. Karl Ziegler claims
that 60% of the world's private banking is held in trust in offshore
unsupervised tax havens.
All the while, the disposable income for most of society will be drastically
reduced. The power in global economic forces means that the tax burden is
irrevocably moving onto the shoulders of the immobile; and away from
income and onto expenditure. When Leona Helmsley said "only the
little people pay taxes" she was unwittingly making a prediction.
This goes counter to every notion of social justice that has been
prevalent over the past two hundred years. Inevitably in the transition we
can expect massive civil unrest and disorder.
A role for the nation-state?
Everywhere citizens are losing their faith in the nation-state, seeing it as
a peculiarly twentieth century phenomenon. For the state is failing to
deliver its side of the Faustian pact, where the individual submits to the
legitimate violence of the state in return for protection and security.
Globalization has shown the James Bond myth, that the state is good and
global corporations (Spectre) are bad, to be blatant propaganda on behalf
of the nation-state. James Bond, the patron saint of the nation-state, is
now just another dirty old man.
The nation-state is based on the premise that the state owns the individual
and that the leaders of the state can dispose of his property as they see
fit. But knowledge workers call it social injustice: for there is no
justice in equality. All taxation is theft. It is the state obtaining
money with menaces. They say with derision that the "Common
Good" isn't good, it is merely common! The protection of the
interests and independence of the knowledge workers is going to be big
business in the information Age.
The very nature of the nation-state itself is mutating; increasingly it will
have to behave as merely another form of commercial enterprise. According
to western sentiment some states are becoming criminal enterprises, but
these too will be part of global trade. That the roles of governments and
organizations are converging was unconsciously highlighted in the Guardian
of 10 December 1993. They asked the question: "what's the difference
between Zambia and Goldman Sachs". The answer: "One is an
African country that makes $2.2 billion a year and shares it among 25
million people. The other is an investment bank that makes $2.6 billion
... and shares it between 161 people. FAIR ENOUGH!" Of course the
"bleeding heart" liberals of the Guardian haemorrhage at such
gross unfairness and make snide comments about "Goldmine Sachs".
Unfairness? They fail to see that the symbolic-analysts of Goldman Sachs
earned that money. Yes, they earned it, and they earned it fairly.
To the knowledge workers, this call for fairness is the mere whinging of
failures and parasites. They say it is time to rid ourselves of that
backward looking idea, that work involves physical effort. Of course
labour is needed - but there is a world full of labourers out there. It is
that rare commodity, human intellect, which is the stuff of work in
tomorrow's world. Politicians really must stop saying "nanny knows
best" and playing to the sentimentality of the herd. Governments,
like all other organizations will have to survive economically on the
efforts of an elite few - and no nation-state has an automatic right to
exist.
A future for Democracy?
Because of the need to employ the local masses, the major social problem for
politicians in the coming decades is going to be how to attract global
employers to partner local companies, and how to keep them attracted.
Governments will have no choice other than to acquiesce to the will of
global enterprises. A new paradigm is upon us, in which the nation-state
has mutated into just another form of organization, which will delegate
market regulations to continent-wide bodies such as North American Free
Trade Agreement or the European Union, which in turn will use their
economic muscle to undermine each member state. Not only will state be
pitted against state, but also area will compete against area, town
against town, even suburb against suburb. It will be inevitable that
nation-states will fragment: rich areas will dump the poor areas. Such
shakeout trends can be interpreted as downsizing, a strategy that
is being considered by most shrewd major corporations these days. As
Daniel Bell so eloquently put it, "the nation-state is too small for
the big things and too big for the small things". Some futurologists
expect that early in the next century the number of states in the United
Nations will increase from the present number of 184 to over a thousand.
Each state will permit entry to holders of "UN style" company
passports. Tax holidays and reduced regulation aimed at attracting
employers will be "the name of the game" everywhere. Already
different states in Europe have embarked on "regulatory
arbitrage" to tempt financial sector companies away from their
"European partners". Inevitably this trend will undermine
national legislation and taxation policies. Any area with independent
aspirations will use economic weapons against its neighbours and distance
itself from their legislative oppression.
One inevitable consequence of global trade will be the rise of the New City
State at the hub of global electronic and transport networks. The
non-democratic model of Hong Kong is an exemplar, even though the city
itself doesn't yet realise that it has defined the future. Singapore under
the enlightened leadership of Lee Kwan Yew is another. What European city
will be the first to break ranks with the nation-state mentality holding
back progress? A number of European cities can make the leap.
Liechtenstein has already started; what about Monaco? And let us not
forget Venice, perhaps it will rediscover former glories. What about
Lisbon? They have the singular example of attracting the Gulbenkian wealth
earlier this century. The Corporation of the City of London too has
enormous potential and could be revitalized, however, the dead hand of the
"Mother of Parliaments" will make this far more difficult.
To protect their wealth, rich areas will also undertake a rightsizing
strategy, ensuring a high proportion of (wealth generating) knowledge
workers to (wealth depleting) service workers. Rich areas have to maintain
and expand a critical mass of scientific and technological expertise, and
use it to underpin an effective education system to regenerate the
resource. These rich areas will reject the liberal attitudes of the
present century, as the expanding underclass they are spawning, and the
untrained migrants they welcomed previously, are seen increasingly as
economic liabilities. "Many too many are born. The state was devised
for the superfluous ones" (Nietzsche). Mass-production methods needed
an over-supply of humanity; in a sense the Machine Age spawned the
nation-state, but with its demise what is to be done with the glut as we
enter the Information Age?
As far as global enterprises are concerned liberal democracy is an artefact
of the Machine Age, an ideology from a time when the masses were needed - but it will soon mutate into an irrelevancy. It will be merely the
means of governing the immobile and dependent service workers. That
citizens elect their slave masters makes democracy slavery none the less.
Global companies have no interest in populism, unless it adversely affects
their business, when they will simply leave: in the Information Age
"democracy is bad for business". The Marxist myth that labour
creates wealth has been buried once and for all. A large population,
particularly an uneducated and ageing population, has now become the major
problem facing all Western governments. The masses themselves will put
employment and economic well-being before the dubious privilege of
electing powerless representatives. Even Karl Marx anticipated politicians
becoming ineffective, but for other reasons! As the nation-state mutates into corporation-states in the new order, the role of each corporation-state is to produce the right people, with the right knowledge and expertise, as the raw material for the global companies that profit from the Information Age, to service these companies, and to provide them with an efficient infrastructure, a minimally regulated market and a secure, stable and comfortable environment. If a state cannot produce a quality "people product", in sufficient quantities, then it must buy them from abroad. Each state will have to view education, not as the right of every citizen, distributed arbitrarily, but as an investment on which it must expect a return: they must invest in success and not failure. If the state can convince the commercially attractive elite of knowledge workers and local entrepreneurial companies to stay, then a virtuous circle of success is ensured. For then, migrating global players and their wealth will also be attracted into that country. If, however, the state maintains a greedy collectivist and populist stance, under the defunct motto "power to the people", then the entrepreneurial and knowledge elite will move on to more lucrative and agreeable climes, and, in the long-term, leave that country economically unviable, composed solely of the unproductive masses, sliding inevitably into a vicious circle of decline. Ian Angell is the Professor of Information Systems at the London School of Economics |
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